In a move that has ignited fierce debate and drawn sharp criticism, the Congress-led government in Himachal Pradesh, under Chief Minister Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, has issued a notification urging temple trusts to contribute funds to state schemes. The directive, dated January 29, 2025, from the Art, Language, and Culture Department, explicitly requests temples under the Himachal Pradesh Hindu Public Religious Institutions Charitable Endowments Act, 1984, to divert their donations toward the “Mukhyamantri Sukh Ashray Yojana” and “Mukhya Mantri Sukh Shiksha Yojana.”
These schemes aim to support orphans, destitute women, and education initiatives—noble causes, no doubt—but the decision to tap sacred Hindu institutions for cash has left devotees, opposition leaders, and citizens fuming. Is this a pragmatic solution to a cash-strapped state’s woes, or a shameless overreach into the sanctity of faith?
The Notification That Shook Himachal
The letter, addressed to deputy commissioners and temple commissioners, states that temple trusts “keep making contributions for charitable activities and welfare schemes run by the State Govt” and suggests they now channel funds into the Sukh Ashray and Sukh Shiksha initiatives. While the government frames this as a voluntary contribution, opposition leader Jairam Thakur of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) alleges coercion, claiming district administrations are pressuring temple trusts to comply. With 36 major temples under state control, the stakes are high—both financially and culturally.
Thakur didn’t mince words: “On one hand, the Sukhu government opposes Sanatana Dharma, keeps giving anti-Hindu statements, and on the other hand, it wants to run flagship schemes by taking money from temples.” He argues that temple donations are meant for religious purposes, not to prop up a government teetering on the edge of bankruptcy. The BJP has vowed to fight this move both inside and outside the Vidhan Sabha, with a session looming on March 10, 2025.
A State in Financial Freefall
Why would a government turn to temples for funding? The answer lies in Himachal Pradesh’s dire economic straits. The state’s debt has ballooned to nearly ₹90,000 crore, a legacy of both past mismanagement and ambitious promises that the Sukhu administration can’t seem to fulfill. The Congress came to power in December 2022 on a wave of populist pledges—free electricity, monthly stipends for women, and the restoration of the Old Pension Scheme (OPS). Yet, two years in, the cracks are glaring.
Posts on X and media reports paint a grim picture: 3,100 schools reportedly operate with a single teacher, 180 have none, and 18 lakh ration beneficiaries await overdue dues. Government employees faced delayed salaries for the first time in decades, a humiliation that prompted Sukhu to defer his own paycheck for two months in a show of austerity. Critics argue this is less leadership and more theater—especially when juxtaposed with allegations of lavish foreign trips for the CM and his entourage.
Congress’ “KhataKhat” Playbook: Promises Over Pragmatism
The temple funding controversy is just the latest chapter in what critics call Rahul Gandhi’s “KhataKhat” economics—a term mocking the Congress’ penchant for rapid-fire, vote-grabbing schemes with little fiscal backing. Ahead of the 2022 Himachal elections, the party’s manifesto was a freebie bonanza: 300 units of free electricity per household, ₹1,500 monthly for women aged 18-60, one lakh government jobs, and a return to the OPS for state employees. It worked—Congress unseated the BJP—but the bill is now due.
The OPS alone has strained finances, inviting Central government restrictions on borrowing. Himachal’s loan limit for this fiscal year is capped at ₹6,600 crore, with a measly ₹2,900 crore allowed over three years for externally aided projects. Add to that ₹9,042 crore in disaster relief funds yet to materialize from the Centre, and you have a recipe for desperation. Rather than rationalize subsidies or curb wasteful spending—as Sukhu claimed he would—the government has resorted to what many call a sacrilegious shortcut.
Temples: Sacred Spaces or State Piggy Banks?
Himachal isn’t alone in eyeing temple wealth. States like Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, and Andhra Pradesh have long controlled Hindu temples, skimming percentages of their income (up to 12% in Tamil Nadu) for “administrative” purposes. Yet, the Himachal move feels particularly brazen. Unlike disaster relief—where temple funds have historically been tapped with consent—this directive ties sacred donations to routine governance. The 1984 Act allows up to 15% of temple income (after expenses) for maintenance, but diverting it to welfare schemes blurs a critical line.
Devotees argue that offerings are for deity worship, temple upkeep, and community welfare within the Hindu fold—not to bankroll a government’s populist gambles. X posts echo this sentiment: “Devotees donate for Sanatan Dharma, not a bankrupt Congress govt,” one user fumed. Another called it “looting the wealth of temples” to mask the failure of the “KhataKhat model.”
The Hypocrisy Angle
The BJP and groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) have seized on a deeper issue: selective targeting. Mosques and churches, they note, face no such demands. “How can a secular government control one religion’s institutions and not others?” asked VHP’s Alok Kumar in a past interview with The Hindu. Congress counters that temple trusts have always contributed to charity, but the optics of a cash-strapped regime leaning on Hindu institutions while sparing others fuel charges of bias—and worse, desperation.
Impossible Schemes, Inevitable Fallout
This isn’t the first time Congress’ vote-centric schemes have backfired in Himachal. The free electricity promise crumbled as power boards reported losses, and the ₹1,500 women’s stipend remains a pipe dream for most. The one lakh jobs vow? Stalled by budget constraints. Even the liquor vend auctions Sukhu touts as a revenue win—₹485 crore in 2023-24 versus the BJP’s ₹665 crore over five years—can’t offset the fiscal hemorrhage.
Meanwhile, the state sold off Himachal Bhawan in Delhi and introduced a “toilet tax” to scrape by—measures that sparked ridicule rather than relief. Posts on X question where the money’s gone: “Lavish foreign trips & VIP luxuries for the CM & family!” one user speculated. Whether true or not, the perception of mismanagement sticks.
What’s Next?
The temple funding row is a litmus test for Sukhu’s government. If temple trusts resist—or if public outrage grows—Congress could face a backlash that jeopardizes its 2027 election prospects. The BJP, sensing blood, is mobilizing devotees and framing this as an assault on Hindu identity. Protests from temple committees, as Thakur urged, could escalate the standoff.
For now, Himachal’s faithful are left asking: Should their offerings sustain a government that can’t sustain itself? And for Congress, the bigger question looms: How long can “KhataKhat” promises paper over a crumbling economy? The answer, like the state’s finances, seems perilously uncertain.
